Friday, December 19, 2014

Christians and Torture IV: Theological resources contra torture

TW:  Torture, torture apologism

This is part four of a four-part series. 
Part One
Part Two
Part Three
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In this post I detail theological and moral resources that point to Christianity's absolute prohibition on the use of torture.  However, before I begin I feel the need to offer some disclaimers.  I have been following developments in the U.S. torture program since 2003 and after I left military school.  Truly, the revelation of the abuses at Abu Ghraib and the cracks through which one could see official approval for something beyond the Army's manual of interrogations spurred my decision to do graduate work in religious studies.  Over that time, particularly in 2004-2008, my interest in the subject made me the target of some truly innovative moral arguments and personal attacks.  With that in mind, I offer the following thoughts.
  • I have frequently been asked "Well, what about the abuse and torture that [Al Qaeda, the Taliban, Iraqi insurgents, ISIS, etc.] do to others, including American citizens?"  To which I rhetorically reply:  "Really?  Really!?" I believe the question stems from the rhetoric of "you are either with us or against us," which dominated much of the political discourse from 2001-2006.  But it is not the case that denouncing American uses of torture implies an approval of American being tortured.  My denunciation of clean torture should be sufficient to note that I do not approve of scarring torture.  The reason I write primarily about the torture program in the United States is because I am a U.S. citizen and a Christian living in a country where a sizable population carries pretensions of being a "Christian nation."  I can and have denounced other groups using torture, but this is the context in which I find myself living out my faith while co-religionists and my government claim to torture on my behalf and for my benefit.  I protest this state of affairs.
  • Relatedly, I have had people tell me that "at least our torture isn't so bad as [other group/country]."  To which I reply that the righteous and the courageous set the height of the moral bar. The moral monsters do not.  Saying we are 'not as bad' is not the same thing as saying we are good.  Our task as moral creatures is not to simply remain one notch above those we call enemies and acknowledge as resorting to evil.  
  • I have been asked "what would you do if torture was the only way to save [family member]?"  The answer is still that I do not know if I would resort to torture.  And even if I did, the only thing I can tell you is that I know that I am personally capable of significant evil acts.  Any hypothetical scenario that ends with my use of torture does not make the use of torture justified, and I am very skeptical of moral arguments that leave the moral agent blameless in every circumstance.  I am also wary of those who try to insert me in impossible scenarios as though doing so is some kind of rhetorical trump card.
With those preliminary disclaimers out of the way, I will give one more note about the bounds of this post.   I am going to be looking at specifically theological arguments against torture which typically reside in divine command ethics, deontology, and virtue.  I will not address the question about whether torture "works"--the utilitarian question.  There is a vast amount of evidence that torture does not produce good information, and the Senate report debunks many of the former administrations claims about the effectiveness of the program.  What I am arguing here is that Christianity--both the tradition and the living God and our Savior Jesus Christ--point us to the prior question of whether torture is in keeping with God's love revealed.  The answer is a resounding "no" before we even get to the next question of whether torture is useful. 


The Golden Rule

The Golden Rule is a basic ethical precept and certainly not limited to religious frameworks.  The Christian formulation of the Rule is generally active in that Christians are to treat others as one would wish to be treated; not merely refraining from treating others in a way one would not wish to be treated.[1]  It should be noted that the Bush Administration’s decisions regarding treatment of detainees does not match either formulation of the rule.  Reciprocity, as a restriction, which forms much of the basis of law in regards to use of force (specifically) and treatment of other human beings (generally), was inverted.[2]  The stance taken was instead a perversion formulated to be something like this:  as our enemies are unlawful, we may dispense with what inhibitions on our conduct we find too constricting.  This is still reciprocal, but it is immoral.  Instead of aspiring to a higher moral ideal, it is an argument to allow one to sink lower by affixing the moral standard to depraved terrorist actions.  In principle, as long as interrogations remained above that incredibly low bar they were acceptable.

Christians should understand such an inversion of the moral universe pushes into the territory of the desire for revenge and retaliation, not necessarily justice.  To follow that path leads one to an embrace of blood thirst, and it is an attractive path when one thinks of what acts of terrorism can do, and has done.  Sin is slippery and seductive in that way.  We desire to inflict a modicum of the interior pain we feel when we experience catastrophic loss due to terrorism.  Yet we cannot allow the pain inflicted to justify torturous retaliation, and we certainly cannot allow the state the justification to follow that dark road for in the name of security.[3] 

Some good news:  In Part One of this series, I mentioned a poll by Mercer from 2008 which asked about whether one’s beliefs about the propriety of relying on torture were based on religious conviction or “common sense” or “life experience.” The poll indicated that the Golden Rule may be an effective vehicle for shifting opinions.  After being asked to consider the Golden Rule, there was a 14-point decrease in the respondents who would allow for torture “often” or “sometimes.”[4]  That is a striking example of how something so simple could call people back to their senses.


Imago Dei

Christians understand, as an element of the biblical story of Creation, that humankind was created in the image of God and all humans bear God’s image (Gen. 1:26-28).  Since such value is intrinsic, it cannot be taken or given away, although it can be obscured.  It is also the case that not all theologies agree upon how much emphasis should be placed on the concept of the imago Dei.  There are theological arguments that rather emphasize the utter creaturely nature and depravity of humankind, which strike me as theological arguments that do much work to dehumanize all of humankind in the first place.[5] In these theologies, humanity does not seem to have too far to “fall.”

It is vital to be mindful of these arguments, for it is easy to claim that one who performs murder or terrorist acts (the two are closely related) voluntarily gives up any claim to humanity and becomes hopelessly lost.  The imago Dei, however, should give the Christian pause before claiming anyone has become subhuman, or is without hope of recovery from the depths of murderous ideology.  Once we declare others subhuman, we deny the possibility of reconciliation. 

Finally, we owe obligations to those who bear the imago Dei, to respect the dignity and worth of that person regardless of his or her own actions.  An analogous view to the imago Dei is the concept of intrinsic human rights.  David Gushee, an evangelical who was on the forefront of addressing evangelical support for torture, notes Christian discomfort with excessive “rights-talk,” yet he believes that there is cause for belief in a biblical understanding of human dignity…particularly the right to bodily integrity.[6] 

Love of Neighbor

Jean Bethke Elshtain--writing with echoes of Paul Ramsey, Dietrich Bonheoffer, and Reinhold Niebuhr--considered regard for neighbor in her reflections of the ticking time bomb scenario.[7]  She wrote that she was uncomfortable with deontological rigidity and pure utilitarian consequentialism, and so she asks instead:  as to love of neighbor and neighbor regard, to whom is the most concrete responsibility owed?   To the victims or the guilty?  Elshtain concludes that the more pressing duty is to the innocent, and yet that duty would not make the act of torture morally right—it is the less terrible option for which the practitioner must submit herself or himself before God’s mercy.  As she would have it, no mere calculation negates the guilt of having tortured.

It may seem strange insert an example of someone contemplating an exception to the absolute prohibition.[8]  For our purposes, which are quite limited to establishing the relationship between Christians and all of humanity, the focus is on the nature of this neighbor-love which encompasses both the one who sets the bomb and the bomb’s potential victims.  The fact is that the Christian love of neighbor (the expected response to the imago Dei) does indeed cover those whom we consider to be our enemies.  The warrant for this view is the parable of the Good Samaritan, in which Jesus is asked to define “neighbor.”  Jesus does so by telling a story in which a robbed and beaten Jew is cared for not by countrymen, but by a despised Samaritan.  The two groups were mutually distrustful of each other, but the Samaritan responded to the common humanity and need of the robbed and beaten man.  Christians are to understand that they are to go and do likewise.[9]  It is not a straight line from the parable to not torturing as shown by Elshtain’s reasoning with regard for neighbor and finding cause to allow an exception to the absolute prohibition on torture.  But the parable does set forth a Christian stance that finds a clear distinction between “us” and the “other” problematic and unscriptural.  Once again, the imago Dei is glimpsed.  Regard for neighbor should outweigh the shortsightedness of the extreme nationalism and “othering” that characterizes the American antithesis (see part one).

The anti-Sacrament

In an argument against torture that is specifically targeted to a Christian audience, theologian William Schweiker is particularly interested in the practice of waterboarding…a practice which bears religious significance.[10]  Schweiker notes that “torture by water as it arose in the Roman Catholic and Protestant Reformations drew some of its power and inspirations from theological convictions about repentance and salvation” and that those religious resonances are present in the current use of the technique.[11]  If this is indeed the case, then waterboarding is to be understood as an inversion of the sacrament of Baptism.  The contrast could not be starker.  On the one hand, Baptism is an affirming symbol of new life and an entrance to the baptized into the life of being an active agent of love in the world.  On the other hand, waterboarding is the anti-Baptism, meant to invoke the fear of drowning and death in order to completely destroy the tortured person’s will and agency.[12]  Christians should shudder at the inversion of the sacrament given by Christ as the means of life being used to deal death and terror.


The moral hazard of prolonged exposure to sin

Christians understand that prolonged exposure to evil (such as the use of torture) has spiritual consequences that touch not just the primary actors but the entire community.  It has already been remarked that torture is dehumanizing to the victim, but the same can be said for the torturer.  It is possible for virtuous people to lose their souls when they are about the business of destroying the souls of others.  Abu Ghraib serves as an example of such soul-destroying sadism run amok.  Yet, more controlled, “professional” interrogation invites the same results because of the temptation of sadism and the nature of the project of softening up (dehumanizing) detainees.[13]  Such dehumanizing tactics become easier over time with exposure and practice.  Indeed, it has been shown that the American populace—Christians included (especially?) are becoming more habituated to the practice.


Torture as a mechanism for idolatry

In the literature of torture, there are clear accounts of torturers explicitly trying to replace God in the mind of the tortured.  In fact, torturers will say that they are God.  There was a tactic that Nazi interrogators would use on Jewish detainees in World War II.  The interrogator would beat the detainee nearly to unconsciousness, and right before the detainee went unconscious, someone would fire a shot from a gun.  When the detainee awoke the interrogators would be there, and say something to the effect of “You died, and ask you can see there is no God to greet you.  Just us.”  They then resumed their torture.  I also point you to Sr. Dianna Ortiz’s statement at the beginning of Part Three of this blog series.  Finally, there was a scandal at the facility in Guantanamo Bay about the mistreatment of the Quran by U.S. military personnel in front of detainees, including throwing the book in the toilet.  I believe this was an intentional use of this tactic.

As mentioned in Part Three, torture is an attempt at total control of the tortured, which is an attempt of the torturer to take the place of God.  The attempt to take the place of God in the other person’s world (constricted under torture) can be accurately labeled as idolatry regardless of the motive of the torturer.  It is an attempt to sever one’s connection to the source of life and place oneself in that spot.  As such, allowing torture is not merely allowing idolatry, but the intentional cultivation of idolatry in which the torturer (and state) replaces God.  And this lesser god is a god of pain and torment and domination--not peace, or love. 


Our Tortured Savior

All of the accounts of Christ’s Crucixion are essentially stories of torture.  In short, Christians profess faith and follow a tortured savior.  It is our responsibility to remember that it was this world which deemed Christ’s death as necessary.  Our pointing to the cross must attest that it was not only Christ work that saved us, but it was and is our wickedness that put Christ and countless others through suffering for the sake of power and control.

As Jesus falls silent before Pilate’s questions about his identity, Pilate asks “Do you not know that I have power to release you, and power to crucify you?”[14]  That is a terrible power—the power given him by the state—even as Jesus reminds Pilate that he has this power only through God.  But Jesus knows something else.  The threat to use this power is a sign of fear.  It is a grasp for control of the situation.  It is the way earthly power works.  Earthly power is borne out of the desire to control our own fear.  Torture and Crucifixion are examples of this worldly power.  The desire to control others.  To control circumstances. To bend the will of a person to our own use. Its use is borne out of fear.  This power is used when the lie of control we continually tell ourselves fails.

This is the horror of the cross and the necessity of remembering its purpose.  God chose to conquer the cross as the judgment on our capacity for cruelty.  The crosses we wear, and that we use to decorate our churches and homes ought to confront us with that judgment of God against us.  And that makes us witnesses not only to Christ’s salvation, but to the crucifixions, torture sessions, and deaths we now know about as the practitioners of worldly power try to justify them.

Christians inherit a story of an innocent man killed because the state demanded it.  At the very least, we ought to be suspicious when the state keeps claiming it needs to continue the practice.


Conclusion
 
The above theological resources are expandable, and are offered to inspire fruitful reflection on how Christianity can answer calls for the necessity of torture.  For the moment, this ends our coverage of the Senate Torture report, though the question that remains is what will happen next.  There is evidence of the wrongdoing, but will any perpetrators be brought to justice?  And what should the Church's response be?  What does prayer and action look like?
 
In terms of prayer:  remember the words of the writer of Hebrews, who exhorts Christian communities to remember those who are in prison, as though you were in prison with them; those who are being tortured, as though you yourselves were being tortured (Heb 13:3).”  The exhortation may be to speciifcally remember fellow CHristinas--and there is certainly nothing wrong with that given that religious persecution affecting all religious groups rose in the past two years--but the exhortation passes through the lenses of neighbor love and a recognition of the imago dei that expands to all whom God seeks a reconciled relationship.  We are called to remember all who suffer for the sake of conscience, for those in prison, and especially those who suffer needlessly while the powerful seek control and dominance.  We are also to confess; to repent of the evil that enslaves us, the evil we have done, and the evil done on our behalf.
 
In terms of action, consider joining the National Religious Campaign Against Torture and/or organize an event in June for Torture Awareness Month.  Continue to read about the practice of torture in the modern world.  Finally, say something.  Be willing to challenge the worldly narrative of torture's necessity.  Be willing to give voice to someone no one wants to hear.  Call people to recognize their will to power over others and their willingness to allow others that opportunity.  Strive to respect the dignity of every person.

Grant, O God, that your holy and life-giving Spirit may so  move every human heart, and especially the hearts of the people of this land, that barriers which divide us may crumble, suspicions disappear, and hatreds cease; that our divisions being healed, we may live in justice and peace; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.


[1] This principle is also derived from the parable of the Good Samaritan, as well as Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31.
[2] For an excellent discussion of these considerations, see Noah Feldman, “Ugly Americans,” in The Torture Debate in America, ed. Karen Greenberg (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 267-279.
[3] In a recent personal conversation, a woman responded to my statement that we should not torture suspected terrorists by saying “we shouldn’t coddle them.”  Note the duality in the statement:  It is either torture or coddling, and terrorists deserve to be tortured, even with the designation of only being suspected of terrorism. 
[4] "New Poll of White Evangelicals Shows Faith, Golden Rule Influence Attitudes on Torture," Faith in Public Life and Mercer University, http://blog.faithinpubliclife.org/upload/2008/09/FPL%20Mercer%20Torture%20Poll%20Memo%20Final-no%20embargo.pdf (accessed September 11, 2008).  I do not have the specific wording of the question, but the gist of it was to ask if the U.S. government should use methods that the respondent would not want used on American soldiers. No other theological argument could boast the similar results (the pollsters tried three but do not detail which arguments were tried).  I attribute the lack of success of the other theological frameworks to the break mentioned earlier, that theological considerations do not enter into consideration of national security concerns for these Christians, and that overall congregational silence on the issue of torture means theological resources for denouncing torture are not propagated.  A question about a theological framework that may be unknown to the poll respondent is not likely to get an immediate affirmative response.
[5] John MacQuarrie, Principles of Christian Theology, 2nd ed. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1977), 229-31.
[6] Gushee, 356.
[7] Jean Bethke Elshtain, “Reflection on the Problem of “Dirty Hands,”” in Torture: A Collection,  new. ed., ed. Sanford Levinson (New York:  Oxford University Press, 2004), 77-89.
[8] Dr. Elshtain argued that “enhanced interrogation techniques” do not necessarily count as torture; or if they do, they certainly do not deserve to be categorized as equivalent to more horrific forms of torture.  I agree that there may indeed be differences in degree, but the differences do not necessarily mean the techniques should not still be understood as torture or as more permissible.  I consider many of the commonly called “enhanced interrogation techniques” to fall under the category of clean torture and worthy of prohibition. 
[9] Luke 10:25-37.
[10] William Schweiker, “Torture and Religious Practice,” Dialog: A Journal of Theology 47, no. 3 (Fall 2008): 210.
[11] Ibid, 214. Darius Rajali in his book Torture and Democracy tentatively confirms the presence of waterboarding (which he refers to as a method pioneered by the Dutch) as practiced by American interrogators as a technique used against Italian heretics.  Rejali, 281, 285.
[12] Schweiker, 215.
[13] Gushee, 358-360.
[14] John 19.
 

Thursday, December 18, 2014

Torture and Christians III: The commonalities between torture and sexual assault (and how the CIA practiced both)

TW:  Explicit descriptions of torture and rape, medical rape, torture apologism, violence against women, violence against men

This is part three of a four-part series. 
Part One
Part Two
Part Four
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“Let me begin by saying that God and international law share at least one thing in common. Sometimes it is difficult to find either of them when you need them most. When the Police Man, the first of the torturers to rape me, had finished his grisly work, he whispered in my ear, "Your God is dead." At the time, this seemed a reasonable conclusion. He made no mention of international law, because whatever that was, it was certainly irrelevant to my situation… I lived in a world created by my torturers. They had told me, as so many other tortured persons have been told, "Even if you survive what we have done to you and tell the world, no one will believe you. No one will care." That is the world I lived in: No one cared. No law, no God, no justice, no peace, no hope.   In one way, it is a world I continue to live in. I do so not by choice but because of the truth that once tortured, always tortured.”

- Sr. Dianna Ortiz[1]



“We can never let the world know what I have done to you."

–CIA Interrogators to detainees (Senate report, p. 11/pdf)



In my last post, I wrote about the role torture plays in creating a reality.  Regardless of its efficacy in obtaining real and valuable information—which is by no means a foregone conclusion—torture is meant to allow one to feel secure in the knowledge that the state is willing to do whatever is necessary to protect American lives.[2]  The narrative corresponds with the observations Elaine Scarry has put forward in her study The Body in Pain—that in torture, a fiction of power can be derived from the act.[3]  The tactic seems effective given a majority of individuals recently polled believe that the treatment amounted to torture and that the torture was justified despite evidence to the contrary.  Torture is an attempt to assert control and comfort for the government and populace who would use it.  This is the narrative promulgated by former Bush Administration officials, such as former Vice-President Richard Cheney and former Bush speechwriter Mark Thiessen, both of whom also argue that the Obama Administration’s discontinuing of the “enhanced” interrogation program is risking American lives.[4]  By the discontinuation of the former administration’s methods, any terrorist attack can now be read as an abdication of duty, regardless of whether torture could have thwarted the attack or not.  And that which was done during the running of the worst of the program is retroactively deemed justified.


It is the concept of control and domination that I will focus on in this post.  All Faithful Can is a blog project that sees its mission as exposing the toxicity of rape culture—particularly within the church.  My assertion is that the general support or indifference American Christians show toward torture parallel assumptions that undergird rape culture.  This post will as such detail what rape and torture have in common as well as make the case that detainees in U.S. custody experienced rape as part of the torture program CIA-funded psychiatrists designed.

Control and domination: the ends of rape and torture

There is a common myth that rape is about sexual gratification and attraction.  It is not simply a matter of men being out of control, for most rapes are planned.  The fact is that rape has more to do with control and domination of another person.  Patriarchal beliefs that are thrust upon us from an early age set up the social hierarchies in which we live.  In general, men are on top of this hierarchy.  As such rape is not only an issue of men “not being able to control themselves” or seeking sex, but a sense of entitlement to the body of another person.  To the extent that sexual contact has anything to do rape, it is in the context of the perpetrator’s desire to control and dominate the body of another person for their own ends and without the consent of the victim.  Rape is violence, sexualized.  It is the removal of the victim’s agency and bodily autonomy in particularly intimate ways.  It tells the victim they do not have the right to their own bodies or minds. 

Rape is also a violent form of oppression and is a mechanism by which individuals or groups gain, express and maintain their dominance and power over others. This is evident when rape is used as a tool of war, when men are raped in jail, or when rape occurs on the basis of someone's race, age, ability or sexuality. Rape is about the use and abuse of power to intimidate, degrade or control others with less status. The fact that women and children are raped more often than men is a manifestation of lesser power and inferior status in society.  Rape sends a message to the victim and to others of similar social standing, and that message is to conform to the reality the dominant group is putting forth or suffer the consequences.

Likewise, total domination is an important element of torture.  For the tortured person is stripped absolutely of control of his or her own flesh, upon which the state imposes its own narrative.[5]  Another torture victim also makes these points.  Jean Amery was a Jew captured by the Gestapo in Belgium in the 1940s.  He survived torturous interrogation, and lived to see liberation from Auschwitz.   He wrote:
At the Mind's Limits: Contemplations by a Survivor of Auschwitz and Its Realities. Trans. Sidney and Stella P. Rosenfeld. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), 27-28.

The connections between rape and torture are not new or novel.  The connection has been visible for a long time.  The quote from Dianna Ortiz above shows the connection— torturers rape because rape is a form of torture.  Torturers create a reality in which they maintain control and dominance, to the point that not even God can be found in the torture chamber.  Amery again: 


At the Mind's Limits: Contemplations by a Survivor of Auschwitz and Its Realities. Trans. Sidney and Stella P. Rosenfeld. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), 27-28.

Something we know about both rape and torture is that the event can have lasting effects.  Sadly, part of rape culture is the notion that after an appropriate amount of time, one should have gotten over the rape.  Similarly, the reputation of "enhanced interrogation techniques" is bolstered by the notion that since they are not scarring, then the damage is minimized.  Dianna Ortiz's work suggests otherwise, as does Amery:  

At the Mind's Limits: Contemplations by a Survivor of Auschwitz and Its Realities. Trans. Sidney and Stella P. Rosenfeld. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), 27-28.
This is also the case with an anonymous detainee who went through the CIA torture program who recently spoke with The Guardian:
Jabuli prefers solitude indoors, having lost all safety once before. When he does go out he seeks crowded public spaces, so there will be witnesses if his tormentors reappear to kidnap him again. Ten years on, time and distance have not healed the damage that comes from torture.

“You live with the fear that the people who tortured you may come back to torture you again,” he said, “regardless of if you are in a safe country.”

Triggers are everywhere, even a decade later. Armored vans on the street make him think of the station where he was tortured. He fears intimacy, because he doesn’t want someone to see him having nightmares, or to watch him wake up crying. He worries he will not be “good enough to have a family”.

More than a decade ago, Jabuli endured seven months in a torture chamber in a central African country he asked the Guardian not to identify. (Jabuli is a pseudonym he recommended.) 
He was placed in “stress positions”: his elbows and ankles were bound to each other behind his back as he faced downward, resulting in a pain so consuming that he could barely breathe.

“We lost hope. We gave everything, every decision, to others, to decide for you. Everything you want, you let the other person decide,” Jabuli said.
Rape and torture feed the rapists' and torturers need for control and dominance (whether as a personal goal or an outcome ordered by the state).  Rape and torture both remove the victim's agency and bodily integrity by violation of consent.  Rape and torture stay with the victim long after the event, regardless of the invisibility of the trauma.

And rape and torture is what we paid nearly $81,000,000 for psychologists and doctors to perform on our prisoners.


State Sponsored Rape



 
To quote at length from the Senate Report (Finding #13, p.18 pdf):
The CIA contracted with two psychologists to develop, operate, and assess its interrogation operations. The psychologists' prior experience was at the U.S. Air Force Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape (SERE) school. Neither psychologist had any experience as an interrogator, nor did either have specialized knowledge of al-Qa'ida, a background in counterterrorism, or any relevant cultural or linguistic expertise.
On the CIA's behalf, the contract psychologists developed theories of interrogation based on "learned helplessness," and developed the list of enhanced interrogation techniques that was approved for use against Abu Zubaydah and subsequent CIA detainees. The psychologists personally conducted interrogations of some of the CIA's most significant detainees using these techniques. They also evaluated whether detainees' psychological state allowed for the continued use of the CIA's enhanced interrogation techniques, including some detainees whom they were themselves interrogating or had interrogated.
A couple of phrases are worth pulling out of the text, if for no other reason than to point out the absurdity of the situation.  The psychologists prior experience was with the SERE school, which used torture techniques that other governments used in order to elicit false information so that military personnel would know what to expect if they were captured and used for propaganda purposes.  Neither knew the culture of the people they would be interrogating, nor had a background in interrogation.  Yet they were well paid to provide a product.  They sought to prove a hypothesis:  that inculcating learned helplessness would leave the detainee complaint and willing to give information.  The idea behind our torture program was not to torture while simultaneously asking questions.  It was to torture in such a way as to condition detainees into long-lasting compliance.  Once again, enhanced interrogation is not lesser torture, or "torture lite"; it is "clean" torture as opposed to "scarring" torture designed to leave no physical marks even as it leaves traumatic stress that will remain with the tortured forever. 

And the U.S. torture program included anal rape.  Definitions are contested grounds, but to choose a definition in use by part of the U.S. Government, rape is defined as “penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim.” 


Within the report, we are told that in an effort to program the detainees into learned helplessness, "at least five CIA detainees were subjected to "rectal rehydration" or rectal feeding without documented medical necessity (p.11/pdf)."  Further, the "Chief of Interrogations also ordered the rectal rehydration of KSM without a determination of medical need, a procedure that the chief of interrogations would later characterize as illustrative of the interrogator's "total control over the detainee (p.108/pdf).'"  It is noted that occasionally this was done with the use of excessive force, and in at least one case an effort was made to use the largest possible/available tube to rectally feed a detainee.  One is left with the impression that the use of this tube was not due to a medical consideration (n.584, p.126/pdf). 

I submit that the absence of consent--and the even lower bar of demonstrable medical necessity-- is enough enough to lead us to say definitively that psychologists and doctors in U.S. Government employ routinely raped some detainees.  All of the elements of the the definition of rape are met.    This is the program the United States Government claimed was necessary for our safety-- a program based on pain, sexual humiliation, and rape to the service of control and dominance.

(Note:  One of the threats CIA interrogators made to detainees was sexual abuse of family members.  The claim may seem credible to a detainee given what interrogators, doctors, and psychologists were willing to do to detainees (p.11/pdf.)




[1] US-born Sister Dianna Ortiz is the cofounder and executive director of the Torture Abolition and Survivors Support Coalition International (TASSC), an organization of torture survivors. In 1989, she was abducted, repeatedly rapes,  and tortured by members of the Guatemalan security forces who took orders from an American they called Alejandro. Sister Dianna is author of The Blindfold's Eyes: My Journey from Torture to Truth. Ortiz, Dianna. "Theology, International Law, and Torture." Theology Today 63, no. 3 (October 2006): 344-348.
[2] This view corresponds with what Darius Rejali calls the “national security model.” Darius Rejali Torture and Democracy. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009), 46.
[3] Elaine Scarry, Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World, 1st ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1985), Chapter one. 
[4] See, for instance, Mark Thiessen’s Courting Disaster: How the CIA Kept America Safe and How Barack Obama Is Inviting the Next Attack (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Press, 2010), which ably condenses the entire torture narrative into the book’s subtitle.
[5] Since terrorists wear no uniform, may be among populations in sleeper cells, and are capable of killing thousands of civilians and/or military personnel in a matter of minutes, the narrative that coalesces around the GWOT is that the realities of a post-September 11 world highlight the necessity of having recourse to torture.